Summary
Introduction
1 The Forgotten Symbiosis
2 The Liturgy in the Bible
2.1 The Liturgy of Israel
2.1.1 Places
2.1.2 Cultic Activities
2.1.3 Feasts and Celebrations
2.1.4 The Religious Calendar
2.1.5 The Sabbath
2.2 The Liturgy in the NT
2.2.1 Continuity and Rupture in Relation to the Liturgy of Israel
2.2.2 The Breaking of the Bread and the Memorial of the Lord’s Supper
2.2.3 Prayers and Hymns
3 The Bible in the Liturgy
3.1 Biblical Reading in Jewish Liturgy
3.2 Biblical Reading in Christian (Catholic) Liturgy
4 Biblical-Liturgical Formation
References
Introduction
The intrinsic link between Liturgy and the Bible is highlighted here, in a primarily historical approach. The theological reflection, especially on the part of the Catholic Church, can be found in the constitutions Sacrosanctum Concilium (SC) and Dei Verbum (DV) of the Second Vatican Council, in the apostolic exhortations Evangelii Nuntiandi (EN) of Paul VI and Verbum Domini (VD) of Benedict XVI, and in the encyclical Evangelii Gaudium (EG) of Pope Francis.
Since its origins, the Bible and the Jewish and Christian liturgical tradition are intimately interconnected, and the recognition of this âsymbiosisâ provides the key to interpreting both some biblical episodes and the great liturgical acts. Not only in the New Testament (NT) but also in the Old (OT), the liturgy is a âplace of crystallizationâ of biblical traditions (in the NT, cf. BASURKA; GOENAGA, 1990, p.41). This has consequences for the reading and study of the Bible and for the formation of the faithful and pastoral agents.
With few exceptions, we use the term âBibleâ to mean the writings recorded in the Catholic canon of the OT and NT, noting, when necessary, the usage of other Christian churches and of Judaism. As for the OT, we recall the distinction between the Hebrew Bible (HB) or Tanakh, which is normative for Judaism, and the Greek translation, the Septuagint (LXX), which is more extensive than the HB and is sometimes considered âChristianâ because of its use in the Eastern Churches.
When speaking of âliturgy,â we look towards the Catholic liturgy renewed after the Second Vatican Council, but, in the course of the study, we will frequently resort to concepts or figures of religious worship in general, particularly in the biblical world. In the biblical context, rather than âcult,â we prefer the term âliturgy,â in the sense of the action (Ă©rgon) of the “people” (laĂłs)[1], in this case, the people of God gathered in the Covenant, of which the Sinai event (Ex 19:1â24:11) is the âmemorable referenceâ and which finds its fullness in the New Covenant of the âJesus Christ event.â
1 The Forgotten Symbiosis
Despite the profane origin of some of its components, the Bible as such belongs to the sacred space-time. The collection and organization of the biblical books in Judaism began from the 5th century BC, in priestly circles, as a function of the celebrations in the âSecond Templeâ and in the synagogues, which made the practice of reading the center of worship. During Antiquity and the Middle Ages, the symbiosis of liturgy and Bible was evident, both in Jewish and Christian environments. Modernity, however, made the Bible âautonomous.â It made it an autonomous religious authority and an object of historical, literary, etc., investigation. According to its intimate constitution, however, the Bible is not an autonomous institution, nor an end in itself, but a testimony of the community that celebrates its life before the face of God, the Lord of life and history. A book of life open in the presence of God, the Bible has its Sitz im Leben in the liturgy. By tearing the Bible from the celebration of life in the community of the faithful, we condemn it to sterility.
2 The Liturgy in the Bible
2.1 The Liturgy of Israel[2]
2.1.1 Places
We can begin the discovery of the cult of ancient Israel starting from the sacred territories/places, dedicated to the protective divinity of the community, the patriarchal house or tribe.[3] In the time of the patriarchs, the following are mentioned above all: Shechem (Gn 12:6-7), Bethel (Gn 12:8), Mamre (Gn 13:18), Beersheba (Gn 21:22-31; 26:33).
In the time of the Exodus, the holy place par excellence will be the Tent, the sanctuary of the desert, called the Tent of Meeting or of Assembly (âohel moâed), the place of the people’s meeting, but soon seen as a place of meeting with God, where, indeed, God speaks with Moses face to face (Ex 33:11) (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 294-295). There, Moses functions as an intermediary between God and the people. It is the place of oracles. Another name is mishkan, dwelling (like the tents of the nomadic Hebrews), suggesting the presence of God in the midst of the tents of his people, accompanying them through the desert. The presence of God is recognized by the dark cloud that descends upon the Tent.[4]
Converging with the tradition of the Tent is the veneration of the Ark, a chest in which Moses kept the tablets of the Law (Ex 31:18; 25:16; 40:20). The Deuteronomistic tradition (Dt 10:1-5) also preserves the memory of the small original ark, containing only the tablets of the Law and called the Ark of the Covenant, berĂźt (in the priestly tradition: Ark of the Document, edut) (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 301). Later it is associated with the Tent, by the priestly tradition that has before its eyes the temple of Solomon and the Second Temple after the exile. Because of its association with the Ark, the Tent is also called the Tent of the Testimony (Nm 9:15; 17:22; 18:2). According to the Deuteronomistic historiography, the Ark was placed in the Debir, the âchapelâ or cella of the Temple (the âHoly of Holiesâ of the priestly tradition), where it was covered with a tray for the sacrificial blood, flanked by two cherubim.[5]
However, we must remember that there were sanctuaries throughout the territory of the tribes: Gilgal (Js 4:19 etc.), Shiloh (where God is called YHWH Sabaoth; according to Js 18, the meeting place of the tribes), Mizpah (Maspha) in Benjamin (Jg 20â21), Gibeon (Gabaon), which will be the place of Solomon’s prayer (1Kgs 1:4-15), Ophrah, Dan; and Jebus-Jerusalem, conquered by David (2Sm 6) and the site of the future temple built by his son Solomon (1Kgs 6:37-38; cf. 6:1). Since the time of Solomon, the Temple comprised three main spaces: the court/patio (âulĂąm), the Holy Place (hekal), and the Holy of Holies (debir).
Solomon’s temple became the religious center of Israel despite the prestige of the ancient sanctuaries and despite the rival temple built by Jeroboam in Bethel (1Kgs 12:29). The Temple was the seat of the divine presence, and also the sign of election, the place chosen by God (even before its construction, cf. 2Sm 24:16). It even became a cosmic symbol in Ezekiel and in apocalyptic literature. There was, however, always a certain relativization of the Temple, as in Nathan’s prophecy (2Sm 7:5-7), in the Rechabites (Jr 35), and even in the post-exilic vision of Is 66:1: âHeaven is my throne, and the earth is my footstool; what is the house that you would build for me?â â which reaches its peak in the vision of the new Jerusalem that dispenses with the Temple (Ap 21:22). This relativity of the Temple was certainly decisive for Judaism to survive without the Temple, both in the rabbinic synagogue and in Christianity (cf. Jn 2:21).
2.1.2 Cultic Activities
We recall per transennam the ministers of the cult â priests and Levites â in view of the re-signification of the priesthood in the NT (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 345-414). They are in function of the cultic actions, sacrifices, and prayers, which left a deep mark on Christian liturgy.
A. Sacrifices
âThe sacrifice was the main act of the cult of Israelâ (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 414). It took place on the altar (mizbĂȘaáž„, derived from zabaáž„, to immolate/offer sacrifice), which was a platform, of natural or constructed stone, including a grill for the burnt offerings and a channel through which the blood flowed. The most common name for the sacrifices is âolah, âthat which goes upâ â the victim that goes up to the altar or the âpresentâ (mináž„ah) that goes up to God. The Greek translation holokauston mainly refers to the sacrifices consumed by the fire of the altar. The character of a free gift to God, therefore not magical, is well accentuated in the Levitical rite. It is often understood as a retribution to God for his gifts. This is especially shown in the effusion of blood on the altar, because blood is life and life belongs to God (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 417). In the later rituals, the mináž„ah, the âpresent,â a food or libation accompanying the âolah is very accentuated (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 417). Another term for various types of sacrifices is qorban, which means âapproach,â offering.[6]
Another type, important for later Christian liturgy, is the peace sacrifice, zebaáž„ shelamim, in which the emphasis is on the communion between the offerer(s), the priest, and God, and which, for this reason, is called the communion sacrifice (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 417). There are three types: the sacrifice of praise, the voluntary sacrifice, and the votive sacrifice (obligated by a vow).
In addition, we have the expiatory sacrifice, called the sacrifice for sin (áž„aáčáčat) or of reparation for guilt (âasham). This type occupies almost half of the sacrificial code of the Second Temple (in Lv) and is very important for the theology of the NT, which becomes incomprehensible when one yields to a certain tendency to depreciate the sacrifice of expiation.
From the vegetable offering (mináž„ah, translated as âpresentâ or âofferingâ), a part called âazkarah (in Greek zikkaron) is burned on the altar, which means âmemorialâ and is seen as a means for God to remember the offerer. A variant of this symbolism consists of the âshowbread,â an offering displayed on the table along with incense, which (by the smoke and the âsweet odorâ) fulfills the function of âazkarah, memorial. The showbread was reserved for the priests (cf. Mk 2:26), who consumed it at the end of the week.
B. Secondary Activities
a. Worship, Prayer, and Song
Celebrations consisting exclusively of prayer and song are mentioned only in Neh 9 and Jl 1-2, both penitential rites, but the wisdom literature, especially Sirach, insists on the sacrifice of praise or âof the lips.â
In the context of sacrifices, formulas of blessing (Nm 6:22-27) and of cursing (Nm 5:21-22; Dt 27:14-26) are mentioned. Deuteronomy formulates prayers for the offering of the first fruits (26:1-10) and the triennial tithe (26:13-15) and for the Passover (6:20-25; cf. Ex 12:26-27), as well as for the case of not locating the murderer (Dt 27:1-8). Am 5:23 mentions hymns accompanying the sacrifices. In the book of Chronicles, we find the entire organization of the singers who accompanied the sacrifices and processions.
The place of greatest consideration for prayer was the Temple (cf. Jesus’ parable in Lc 18:10), but it is evident that it was not exclusive. It inspired the custom of praying toward the Temple (Ps 5:8; 28:2; 138:2) or Jerusalem (1Kgs 8:44, 48; Dn 6:11). One could pray anywhere and at any time, but some moments were special, such as prayer at night (Ps 4) and in the morning (Ps 5), at fixed hours and days (Jdt 9:1; Dn 6:11). One prayed standing, bowing, or kneeling.
It is important that prayer in the OT is directed directly to God, without intercessory deities (monotheism!), although after the exile, mediating angels gradually appear (e.g., Tb 12:12). In 2Mc 15:14 it is said that Jeremiah prays for the people and the Holy City.
b. The Psalms
The Psalms deserve special consideration, constituting practically 1/10 of the volume of the Tanakh. The psalter, whose oldest parts date back to the time of nomadism, is conceived as a function of worship. Especially the âgradualâ or âascentâ psalms accompanied the pilgrimages to the Temple (Ps 120â134). Even the individual psalms are often individual only in their formulation, but with a collective and liturgical nature. The headings of the Psalms inform us about their liturgical use. Bringing together various literary genres, they were subdivided into five books (like the five books of Moses). The psalms, as Thomas Aquinas says, contain the entire Bible: they remember in prayer what the other biblical texts expose by narrating or exhorting.
c. Rites of Purification and Desacralization
A primordial sense that comes to the fore in the cult of Israel is the horror of what is untouchable, whether due to an âexcessâ of holiness (the holy) or due to the character of a disturbing mixture (the impure): the Ark of the Covenant, the priest’s vestments, bodily fluids, the blood of childbirth… It was a matter of cultic impurity, not moral. After such contact, purification was necessary to return to a normal state. Thus, the rite of purification could also mean the neutralization of contact with the holy, therefore, desacralization.
For this purpose, there were sacrifices and ablutions, and it is necessary to perceive the hermeneutics of purity in this matter. Purification after childbirth was âlistedâ as a burnt offering and a áž„aáčáčat (= for sin) sacrifice (Lv 14:10-32), although there was no moral fault whatsoever, as childbirth was something blessed by God! For a Nazirite, at the end of his consecration, the fee for âdesacralizationâ consisted of a sacrifice for sin and another for reparation (Nm 6:13-20; cf. Acts 21:23-24). In the same vein, we have the multiple rites of purification for objects, vessels, clothes, etc. (cf. DE VAUX, 1973, p. 460-461). There was even a special rite to prepare purifying water, the lustral water, with the ashes of a red heifer (Nm 19:1-10).
A strong taboo was leprosy. Lev 13â14 is exhaustive in describing the diagnosis and the purificatory rites for the âuntouchablesâ who were the lepers. The verification was made by the priest (Lv 14:3; cf. Mt 8:4 par.; Lc 17:14).[7]
De Vaux observes that, after the exile,
the Jews became ever more conscious of the need for purity, and the fear of impurity could become an obsession. Hence, the authors of the Priestly Code multiplied the cases of impurity and prescribed all the necessary remedies […]. Post-biblical Judaism went even further in the same direction. (1973, p. 464)
And despite the criticism of Jesus and Paul, not a few Christians continued in the same vein…
d. Rites of Consecration
Purification had to do with holiness, which was sought either by neutralizing contact with the holy or numinous (cf. supra), or by disposing oneself to receive holiness (cf. infra), so that the terms purify and sanctify/consecrate sometimes become synonymous (cf. Jn 11:55).
Sanctification or consecration is the separation of something or someone for the holy or sacred. A rite was not always needed for this; contact or a situation could be enough. The soldiers for the holy war were sanctified, and the spoils conquered as well. But there were many rites of consecration. Although priests were consecrated by the very action of the sacrifice, there was also the consecration of priests extensively described in Lv 8â10. Here enters the anointing with special oil (chrism), applied to the high priest, the sanctuary, the altar, and the utensils (Ex 30:26-29; 40:9-11; Lv 8:10). The anointing was essential for the rite of enthronement of the king, the âanointed oneâ par excellence, characterized by the nezer, the unshaved part of the hair (Ps 89:39).[8]
A very explicit form of consecration is the vow, by which something is âdevotedâ to God: a tithe (Gen 28:22); a person (Jdg 11:30-31; 1 Sm 1:11), etc. The intention of the vow is to strengthen the bond with God. As the vows were binding (Dt 23:22-24), it was better not to make one when not certain (Eccl 5:3-5). Certain circumstances automatically invalidated the vow (Nm 30:4-17), and it could always be commuted for a monetary donation (Lv 27:1-25). The rite of the Nazirite vow is described explicitly in the OT only for Samson (Jdg 13:4-5, 7, 13-14), but mentioned in the NT (Acts 18:18).
2.1.3 Feasts and Celebrations
Israel enjoyed feasts, and the life of nature provoked them: the weaning of a child (Gen 21:8), a wedding (Gen 29:22-23), a burial (Gen 23:2), the shearing of the flock (1 Sm 25:2-38), etc. Public occasions included: the coronation of the king, and victory in war (with song and dance: Ex 15!). Even fasting had a festive character (Zec 7:1-3; Jl 1â2; Lam). There were pilgrimages to Bethel (Gen 35:1-4), to Shiloh (Jdg 21:19-21; 1 Sm 1:3-4), later incorporated into the single cult in the temple of Jerusalem.
The ordinary services in the Temple:
 – the daily burnt offering of two lambs, one in the morning and another at dusk (Ex 29:38-42; Nm 28:2-8), called the âperpetual sacrificeâ (Ex 29:42; Nm 28, etc.), interrupted during the persecution of Antiochus (Dn 11:13 etc.) and reestablished by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc 4:36-58). In NT times, the sacrifice is celebrated in the middle of the afternoon (Mt 27:46-30 par.).
– on the Sabbath, there was a supplementary offering of two more lambs, a meal offering, and a libation (Nm 28:9-10), but Ezekiel foresees this as much larger (Ez 46:1-5).
– the sacrifice of the new moon (Nm 28:11-15), or neomenia, began each new month of the lunar calendar. This feast is very archaic, mentioned along with the Sabbath in Hos 2:13. Like the Sabbath, it is a day of rest (Am 8:5), a day to consult the âman of Godâ (2 Kgs 4:23), a feast day for King Saul (1 Sam 20:5 etc.), but an object of indifference for Paul in Col 2:16. Only the rest of the new moon of the seventh month gained its own law in Lv 23:24-25; Nm 29:1-6 (Day of Acclamation, preparing for Yom Kippur).
2.1.4 The Religious Calendar
Alongside the Sabbaths and new moons, Israel has gatherings (moâed) on various occasions, mainly at the three great annual pilgrimage feasts, with processions and dances (áž„ag). They are: 1) Unleavened Bread (maáčŁáčŁot), in Dt combined with Passover (pĂ©saáž„), both remembering the departure from Egypt; 2) Harvest/Reaping (qaáčŁĂźr), in the Yahwist and in Dt called Weeks (shabuot); 3) Ingathering (âasiph), in Dt called Sukkot, Tents. In Dt, the agro-pastoral character is diluted and the celebration of Passover is fixed in a single place, Jerusalem (Josiah’s reform, cf. 2 Kgs 23:21-23).
traditions: |
Elohist
Ex 23:14-17 |
Yahwist
Ex 34:18-23 |
Deuteron.
Dt 16:1-17 |
definitions: | |||
appear 3 times a year | + | – | – |
in the month of abib â memory of the exodus from Egypt | + | + | + |
unleavened bread (maáčŁáčŁot) in the month of abib, 7 days | + | + | + |
passover (pĂ©saáž„) of YHWH â memory of the exodus from Egypt | – | – | + |
in the place God will have chosen (Jerusalem) | – | – | + |
offering of the firstborn | – | + | – |
harvest/reaping (qaáčŁĂźr) after 7 weeks | + | + (>shabuot, weeks) | + (>seven weeks) |
ingathering (âasiph) at the going out/end of the year | + | + | + (>sukkot, tents) |
presence of all males | + | + | + |
Much more detailed is the priestly code, in the Holiness Code, Lv 23, followed by Judaism to this day.[9] It adopts the Babylonian year, considering abib the first month (spring, March-April) (23:5). The first feast is Passover, combined with Unleavened Bread, on the 15th of abib (starting on the 14th at night; 23:5-6), with a âholy convocationâ on the first and seventh days (23:7-8). The second, without a proper name, is on the fiftieth day (whence, in Greek, Pentecost). The third, with the name of Sukkot, Tents, is on the 15th of the âseventh month,â but the calendar includes, before that, on the new moon (first day) of the month of tishrĂź (Sept-Oct), the feast of the shofar (Day of Acclamation, or New Year, Rosh Hashanah) and, on the 10th, Yom Kippur (Atonement, described in Lv 16).
The utopian calendar of Ez 45:18-25 does not even mention the feast of Weeks and transforms Passover and Tents into penitential celebrations. The comprehensive legislation of Nm 28â29, however, disregards Ezekiel’s project and completes with other rites those of Lv 23, presenting the complete list of sacrifices in the time of Ezra.
There were still other feasts, but only Purim (Lots, cf. Est 10:3k), the 14th of adar (Feb-Mar), and Dedication (of the Temple by Judas Maccabeus, cf. 1Mc 4:56), the 25th of kislev (Nov-Dec), are preserved.
2.1.5 The Sabbath
Special consideration deserves the Sabbath.[10] The term shabbat or, more emphatically, shabbatĂŽn is probably derived from the verb shabat, to cease (work, cf. Gn 2:3), whence, to rest. Its origins are lost in archaic times, and its obligation is mentioned in the Elohist and Yahwist legal codes (Ex 23:12; 34:21), in the Decalogue (Dt 5:12-14âEx 20:8-10), and in the Priestly Code (Ex 31:12-17). It was practiced since the occupation of Canaan (around 1100 BC). Mathematically, it did not fit into the quadruple division of the lunar month of 29 1/2 days; one simply rested every seven days, as seven is the number of completeness… Disregarding the few cases in which other days were designated for festive rest, the seventh day sustains the entire rhythm of the community like a basso continuo of holiness. That is why it appears in texts that refer to the Covenant, and the priestly theology associated it with the very work of creation (Gn 1:1â2:3). It is the day dedicated/consecrated to YHWH (Lv 23:3, 38; Ex 31:15), consecrated by YHWH himself (Ex 20:11). Associated with the Covenant, its observance is seen as a guarantee of Salvation (Is 58:13-14; cf. 56:2; Jr 17:19-27), and non-observance caused exclusion from the community (Ex 31:14; 35:2; Nm 15:32-36) and punishment from God (Ex 20:13; Neh 13:17-18). After the exile, when it was impossible to observe the other feasts, the Sabbath became the mark of the faithful Jew. However, the rules became ever stricter. In the time of the Maccabees, the soldiers preferred to die rather than fight on the Sabbath (1Mc 2:39-41; 9:43-49). Even more severe are the book of Jubilees and the monks of Qumran. It was time for Jesus to appear…
2.2 The Liturgy in the NT
It is appropriate here to show the continuity and discontinuity of the NT liturgy with that of the OT, as well as the decisive novelty of the breaking of the bread and the memorial of the death and resurrection of Christ.
The point of rupture between the OT and the NT is called Jesus.
In his prophetic-apocalyptic vision, as a spokesman/revealer[11] that the kingdom of God has arrived, Jesus did not seek to continue, much less restore, the religious institutions of Judaism, but rather to pour out on the people the spirit of purification and revival announced by Jeremiah and Ezekiel, repeating the censures against the cult pronounced by Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah. This, accompanying his words with signs of his authority (exousia), in the style of Elijah and Elisha. He was not concerned with restoring the Temple but the âruined tent of David,â the reign established by God himself through his servant David (Am 9:11-12, cf. Acts 15:16), in other words: the people of God.
We have two orientations to understand Jesus’ attitude towards the cult and the Law in general (which in the understanding of the Pharisees and scribes had become a kind of cult):
1) the prophetic demand for a pure heart in the observance of the Law and the cult, prioritizing love for God and, therefore, for one’s neighbor[12], performing justice (áčŁedeq), fidelity (âemet), and mercy (áž„esed);
2) the critique of falsehood in general (hypocrisy) and, especially, in the cult (Mk 7, Mt 23), culminating in the prophetic (revealing the kairos of God) gesture and words regarding the Temple (Mk 11:15-18; 13:1-37 and par.) Â â the trigger for his condemnation by the religious leaders.
2.2.1 Continuity and Rupture in Relation to the Liturgy of Israel
The main continuity between the religion of Israel and the Christian one consists in the memorial character, unlike the naturistic or cosmological character of the surrounding religions: âThe Judeo-Christian religion fundamentally refers to historical events, the backbone of its cult being the concept of memory (zikkaron)â (BAZURKO, 1990, p. 42). However, it is an âinterpretedâ continuity: the moments and acts of the cult of Israel receive a new meaning in the Christian communities. Indeed, already in Israel, the prophets and the wise insisted on criticizing the formalism that consisted in performing the cult for its own sake, without commitment to God’s project: âThis people approaches me only with their mouth and honors me only with their lips, but their heart is far from me, and their fear of me is like a human precept, learned by roteâ (Is 29:13) â a critique taken up by Jesus himself (Mk 7:6-7 par.).
Jesus and his disciples/followers did not create a new cult. They lived the customs of Israel, however, selectively and critically, abandoning some, re-signifying others. Jesus frequents the synagogue on Saturdays, participates in the Temple cult and pilgrimages, but also transgresses the cultic order, manifesting his sovereignty over the Sabbath (Mk 2:23-28 par.) and over the laws of food purity (Mk 7:1-23 par.). Just as he reinterprets the Law in function of God’s justice and mercy (Sermon on the Mount), the cult is for him an occasion to reveal God’s mercy (Mk 3:1-6 par.), in the same way he reveals it outside the cult, in meals, in encounters. Jesus extends the critical tradition of the prophets (Mk 11:15-17 cf. Is 56:7 and Jr 7:3-11; Mt 9:13 cf. Hos 6:6). He subordinates sacrifice to fraternal forgiveness (Mt 5:23-24). He teaches simplicity in prayer (Mt 6:7-13â Lk 11:1-4). All this is condensed in Jn 4:21-23: âThe hour is coming, and is now here, when the true worshipers will worship the Father in spirit and truth.â The place of worship is not important. Therefore, the prophetic-apocalyptic (= revealing) preaching of Jesus can announce the destruction of the Temple (Mk 13 par.), and the âapocalyptic of Patmosâ shows the vision of the Heavenly Jerusalem without a temple, for the presence of God and the Lamb is immediate (Ap 21:22).
2.2.2 The Breaking of the Bread and the Memorial of the Lord’s Supper
The great novelty in Christian liturgy is the breaking of the bread and the Lord’s Supper. The breaking of the bread has a precursor sign in a prophetic gesture of Jesus, the multiplication of the loaves. A prophetic gesture, because also Elijah (1 Kgs 17:8-16) and especially Elisha (2 Kgs 4:42-44) performed signs of their mission from God through similar gestures. In this topic, it is worthwhile to value some features of the Johannine account, which, although based on the Markan form, perhaps better represents the importance of this tradition in the whole of Christian memory. In all five synoptic versions[13], two details appear that suggest the ritual character of the âbreaking of the bread,â which is one of the characteristics of the first Christian community according to Acts 2:42-46: the breaking of the bread with thanksgiving (cf. also Lk 24:30, 35). Another feature that suggests the community’s rite is the role of cooperators/distributors entrusted to the disciples. Allusions to the twelve tribes suggest the messianic character attributed to this fact. The Johannine version, which does not contain the term âbreakingâ nor the mediating role of the disciples, on the other hand, uses this account as a basis for the discourse of the âbread of lifeâ with clear allusions to what Paul calls âthe Lord’s supperâ (KONINGS, 2020).
In fact, Pauline literature allows a glimpse in the community meetings of a moment for the Lord’s supper, understood as a memorial of the death and resurrection of Christ. In the synoptic gospels, this supper is described extensively, with indications of various traditions. The specific content of the memorial is the death of Jesus, seen as a foretaste of his return in eschatological glory. This eschatological feature is particularly clear in the version of Lk 22:15-18 (composed of two traditions).
A second element of the Lord’s Supper is the sacrificial character. The reference to the sacrifice of the Covenant in Ex 24:1-11 is clear in Jesus’ words âthis is my blood of the (new) Covenant.â In Mt 26:28 it reads âfor the forgiveness of sins.â Does this add anything to the formula âfor youâ or âfor the manyâ (= all) that occurs in the various traditions? The form in Matthew seems to bring Jesus’ death closer to the sacrifice for sin, which is not necessarily the original meaning of âfor you/for the many,â which can have the sense of the foundation of the new Covenant, a communion sacrifice.
The Johannine gospel (which does not contain the words of the institution of the Supper and links the Eucharist to the multiplication of the loaves/âbread of lifeâ) seems to unite in the death of Jesus the reference to the lamb offered for sin (Jn 1:29, 36) and the paschal lamb (19:36). In the Johannine letters, Jesus is called the atoning sacrifice (1 Jn 2:2; 4:10).
It is Paul who uses sacrificial language to make the work of Jesus understandable, but in a very general sense, accessible to the Gentiles who constituted part of his readership. However, the Letter to the Hebrews (which is not by Paul!) describes, for an eminently Jewish and priestly audience, the life and death of Jesus through a rereading of the entire sacrificial tradition of the priestly theology of the OT. It should be noted, however, that this is typology and cannot serve for a clerical interpretation of the ministerial priesthood in the Christian community.
2.2.3 Prayers and Hymns
Eliminating all verbosity, Jesus gave to the simple the daily prayer, the Our Father, which, according to Augustine, contains everything that can be asked of God. That is why it occupies the mathematically central place in the Sermon on the Mount (5:1â6:8|6:9-13|6:14â7:28).
The communities born of Jesus did not fail to continue the hymnological tradition of the OT, creating hymns that express the history of salvation and praise to Christ and the Father. For example, Phil 2:6-11; Col 1:15-20; Eph 1:3-14; 1 Pet 2:21-24; Lk 1:68-79; 1:46-55; 2:29-32; the canticles of Revelation; the original form of the Johannine prologue Jn 1:1-5, 9-14; among others (GOURGUES, 1995; MAREANO, 2018).[14]
3 The Bible in the Liturgy
The symbiosis of Bible and Liturgy does not only mean that the liturgy has a permanent place in the biblical writings, as we have just described, but, vice-versa, that the Bible has a permanent place in the Liturgy.
3.1 Biblical Reading in Jewish Liturgy
The cult of Ancient Israel knew sacrificial, divinatory, expiatory, apotropaic rites, etc., which were progressively concentrated in the worship of the one God, YHWH, culminating in the unification of the cult around the Temple of Jerusalem by King Josiah around 620 BC, shortly before Judah was struck by the Babylonian exile (597-538 BC). After the exile, with the development of the synagogue cult, Jewish liturgy gradually transformed into a liturgy of the Word. During the Persian rule, the practice of public reading of the Law was established, in the liturgy of the Day of Acclamation, at the beginning of the seventh month (today the feast of the new year), probably in 397 BC (Neh 8:1-3). The Bible also mentions on various previous occasions a reading before the people or the authorities of a legislative text later assumed into the Torah:[15] Â the solemn reading of the Law in Ex 24:7, the reading of the Law in 2 Kgs 23:3, and the institution of the septennial practice in Dt 31:9-13.
As the biblical writings of Israel were being gathered, they became a reference for confessional identity, as a memory of the magnalia Dei and as a rule of life for the community. This complex meaning is summarized in the Hebrew term torah, âinstruction,â translated in Greek as nomos, âlawâ (understood as discipline or education, comparable to the paideia of the Greeks).
With this dual purpose of remembrance and education, the synagogue adopted the liturgical reading of the five books called âof Mosesâ (the reading of the torah in the strict sense), in addition to the memorable passages of the âprophetsâ (the haftarah), all this framed by the âpraisesâ (the tehillim, psalms).
At the time of the ministry of Jesus of Nazareth, this âreading of the Lawâ was practiced, depending on the local custom, in a one- or three-year cycle, or also more freely (TREBOLLE BARRERA, 1996, p. 141-144). In addition, there were other celebrations that are described in specific studies on the liturgy of the Word in Judaism.
Unlike the sacrificial liturgy, reserved for the Temple of Jerusalem, the synagogue liturgy (of reading) could be held in all communities, even in the diaspora, being sustained by the observance of the shabbat, the rest of the seventh day, which ensures space for the synaxis or synagogue meeting â an example imitated by the Christian Sunday. The Temple liturgy, after the Deuteronomistic unification, was far from the dispersed people, despite the prescription of the âascentsâ for Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles. The liturgy of reading in the synagogue remedied the distance from the Temple. Thus, the instruction of the community, the feasts of âall Israel,â and the daily piety of the Israelite are nourished by the biblical tradition and, in turn, nourish it back.
After the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 AD, the Sabbath cult, with the reading of the Law and the Prophets accompanied by hymns and prayers, became the backbone of the Jewish religion, practically taking the place of the Temple. A sign of this is that the president gains the title of qohĂȘn, priest. When the Temple sacrifice lost its central place, the emphasis on the sacrifice of praise and spiritual sacrifice grew, already in Judaism, but especially in Christianity.
3.2 Biblical Reading in Christian (Catholic) Liturgy
The second part of Dei Verbum (âVerbum in Ecclesiaâ, n. 52-89) offers the main references for understanding the use of the Bible in the Catholic liturgy.
Heir to the Jewish liturgy, the Christian liturgy from its beginnings dedicated ample space to the proclamation of the Word of God found in the Bible. Christian celebrations included from their origin the reading of the Scriptures (Justin, Apol. 67), although in some environments the readings were limited to the NT (JUNGMANN, 1958, p. 337). It is probable that Jewish-Christians attended the synagogue biblical reading on Saturday and, at sunset, when the âfirst day of the weekâ began, they celebrated the memorial supper of the paschal mystery (death and resurrection) of Jesus. It can be supposed that the combination of the reading of the Scriptures and the celebration of the fraternal meal, with thanksgiving (Eucharist) celebrating the paschal mystery of Christ, occurred very early, as other texts of the NT (Lk 24) and the first patristic writings (Didache, Epistle to Diognetus) also suggest. Certainly, praises, Christian hymns, and the psalms of the OT were not lacking, often interpreted as a prophecy of the Jesus Christ event.
âConsidering the Church as the âhouse of the Word,â one must first of all pay attention to the Sacred Liturgyâ (VD n. 52). âEach liturgical action is, by its nature, imbued with the Sacred Scriptureâ (VD n. 52). The biblical reading in the Liturgy is a way for Christ to be present (cf. VD n. 51; DV n. 8) â opening the Scriptures (cf. Lk 24:32). This expression from Luke and the frequent presence of allusions, applications, and full senses of the Scriptures of Israel show that the presence of the OT cannot be dispensed with in the Christian liturgy.
This applies in the first place to the celebration of the Word in the Mass (or without the Eucharist) and in the Divine Office. âHere we also see the wise pedagogy of the Church which proclaims and listens to the Sacred Scripture following the rhythm of the liturgical year. We see the Word of God distributed throughout time, particularly in the Eucharistic celebration and in the Liturgy of the Hoursâ (VD n. 52). In these two forms of liturgy, the entire Bible of the OT and NT is present, in principle. The three-year cycle of Sunday readings presents the entire NT and, from the OT, those passages that illustrate in some way the NT readings (mainly the gospels), recalling analogous texts or prophetic themes that find their full meaning in the NT. In the biennial cycle of weekday celebrations, the Bible is read in its entirety. The same should be said of the Divine Office (the Breviary), which includes, in addition to the reading of the entire Bible, the exegeses of the Holy Fathers and spiritual masters to this day. Furthermore, the Divine Office has the great merit of, throughout the day, keeping the Church in contact with the Psalms, the expression par excellence of the spiritual heritage of Israel, shared by the own Jesus.
The connection between the biblical reading and the sacrament of the Eucharist is of primary importance: the disciples of Emmaus recognized the Risen One in the breaking of the bread after he had explained the Scriptures to them (Lk 24:32, 35). The word and the salvific action of Jesus are united in the same memory. If the biblical readings make present the teaching of Jesus (including his references to the OT), the memorial of his death and resurrection makes present the truth of this teaching in the gift of his own life in love to the end, received in communion by his faithful.
This articulation of the Word with the action of Jesus is also present, in some way, in the other Sacraments, now that the liturgical reform of Vatican II has included in all of them a âliturgy of the Word.â
Looking at this panorama, one can conclude that, for the Catholic Christian, the faithful participation in the Liturgy, provided it is well prepared and presented, is a biblical immersion, which makes them spiritually prepared to fully enjoy the memory of Christ which is the core of their faith.
4 Biblical-Liturgical Formation
It is evident that the enjoyment of biblical richness in our culture does not happen spontaneously. If Jesus himself, after having taught in parables that should speak for themselves, was obliged to give explanations through his disciples (Mk 4:33-34), this requirement becomes more pressing in our time, so distant from the world of Jesus. Since the earliest times of Christianity, we have known the homily or explanation of the Scriptures, which, by the way, already existed in the Jewish synagogue. The NT itself, both in the gospels and in the letters, reveals this practice. The explanation of the parable of the sower, the discourses of revelation in the Fourth Gospel, the baptismal homilies in the Letter to the Ephesians and in 1 Peter confirm this custom. Aware of the need for explanation, Sacrosanctum Concilium recommends that the biblical reading in the Liturgy of the Word be accompanied by a brief explanation, if not an extensive homily. One of the great concerns of Pope Francis is the homily (EG n. 135-144).
The biblical-liturgical formation of ministers and pastoral agents is an urgent priority, but it cannot be conceived as mere personal enrichment for the spiritual life or, as sometimes happens, for mere erudition. It must be âministerial,â that is, aimed at service to the People of God. Pope Benedict XVI exhorts:
Therefore I urge the Pastors of the Church and pastoral agents to ensure that all the faithful are educated to savor the deep meaning of the Word of God that is distributed throughout the year in the liturgy, showing the fundamental mysteries of our faith. The correct approach to Sacred Scripture also depends on this. (VD n. 52).
The groups for study and biblical reading with the people around specific themes or books can opportunely complete the great biblical pedagogy that is the Liturgy, as long as they do not supplant it. It was thanks to this type of activity that in recent decades, in Brazil and Latin America, as well as in other parts of the world, the Bible was, so to speak, taken from the hands of specialists or clergy and returned to the people.
âI praise you, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because you have hidden these things from the wise and learned, and revealed them to little childrenâ (Lk 10:21).
Johan Konings, SJ. Jesuit Faculty of Philosophy and Theology. Original Portuguese text. Posted in December 2020.
References
BASURKA, Xabier; GOENAGA, J. A. A vida litĂșrgico-sacramental em sua evolução histĂłrica. In: BOROBIO, Dionisio (org.). A Celebração na Igreja. I: Liturgia e Sacramentologia Fundamental. SĂŁo Paulo: Loyola, 1990. p. 37-160.
BĂBLIA TEB – Tradução EcumĂȘnica da BĂblia. 3.ed. SĂŁo Paulo: Loyola, 2020.
DE VAUX, Roland. Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions. London: Darton, 1973.
GOURGUES, Michel. Os hinos do Novo Testamento. São Paulo: Paulus, 1995.
JUNGMANN, Josef. A. Bibel. II. Gebrauch in der Kirche. In: Lexikon fĂŒr Theologie und Kirche, Bd. 2. Freiburg: Herder, 1958. p. 337.
KONINGS, Johan. A BĂblia, sua origem e sua leitura. Introdução ao estudo da BĂblia. 8. ed. PetrĂłpolis: Vozes, 2014.
KONINGS, Johan. A Palavra que Ă© PĂŁo: a Eucaristia no Quarto Evangelho. Fronteiras, Recife, v. 3, n. 2, p. 478-499, jul/dez 2020.
MAREANO, Marcus Aurélio Alves. Os hinos do Apocalipse: Mysterium tremendum et fascinans. Tese Doutorado, FAJE. Belo Horizonte, 2018.
TREBOLLE BARRERA, Julio. A BĂblia judaica e a BĂblia cristĂŁ: introdução Ă histĂłria da BĂblia. PetrĂłpolis: Vozes,1996.
[1] In the Greek context, “liturgy” simply means public worship or event.
[2] This part is mainly based on the information from DE VAUX, Roland. Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions. London: Darton, 1973. p. 271-515 (= Part IV: Religious Institutions).
[3] The high places (âaltarsâ) mentioned in the OT are often related to theophanies, sacred waters or trees, pyramids (ziggurats) or, from a certain point, temples. The temple of Jerusalem began as a private temple of the house of David/Solomon.
[4] On some differences in the description of the Elohist and Priestly traditions, see DE VAUX, 1973, p. 295.
[5] That it was considered a pedestal or throne of the invisible God is a later meaning, which does not appear in the ancient narrative traditions. Similar furniture also appears in neighboring religions (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 300).
[6] A very clear description is found in the introduction to Leviticus of the BĂBLIA TEB – Tradução EcumĂȘnica da BĂblia.
[7] Lev 14 combines two rites: an archaic one, which sees contamination as the work of a demon, therefore requiring an exorcism; and a more recent one, equated with the Levitical purification rites (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 463).
[8] In 2Sm 1:10 the correct translation of nezer (from the verb nazar, to separate) is not crown, but a sign of consecration (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 465).
[9] Literary criticism notes that Lv 23 is a conflation of two traditions, hence the text is somewhat complex (DE VAUX, 1973, p. 473).
[10] We summarize here DE VAUX, 1973, p. 481-483.
[11] It is worth remembering that Jesus presents himself as a mediator of revelation in Mt 11:25-27âLc 10:21-22, and it is in this role that he appears in Rev 1:1.
[12] The meaning of joining love for God and for one’s neighbor (whoever that may be) is that love for God is realized in loyal, generous, and just love for the neighbor of whom he is the protector; cf. Mk 12:28-34 par.
[13] Mark and Matthew bring two forms of the account, Luke and John only one.
[14] The hymns are not always clearly delineated in the NT.
[15] Cases of what is called âthe Bible before the Bibleâ (KONINGS, 2014, p. 61-62).